In an effort to get out of your algorithm’s bubble, you decide to ask ChatGPT or another LLM: a neutral, confident, balanced source... or so you’d think.

(Quick side note about ChatGPT specifically: its CEO Sam Altman has been accused in court filings of sexually assaulting his sister from the time she was three until she was twelve, so if you have to use AI, please don’t use OpenAI products.)

One of the issues you decide to ask about is Israel. The aid packages, the war, the protests, the votes your representative took.

The answer arrives in seconds, and it is good: measured, organized, sprinkled with the texture of sourcing. It reads like the work of someone with no dog in the fight. You feel informed, but one of the results seems a little odd to you.

“Is Israel’s war against Palestine justified,” you type.

Chat informs you that, according to thousands of articles, Palestine essentially had it coming. In fact, Israel has the right to Palestine’s land anyway, so they should just go ahead and leave. There is no genocide. Pay no attention to the man behind the curtain.

That answer is a caricature. Its ingredients are not. They run five to seven thousand pages, and they are sitting in a Justice Department reading room with a foreign government’s name stamped on every one.

The man behind this particular curtain of foreign influence is Brad Parscale, Trump’s former campaign manager.

Via intermediary Havas Media in Germany, Israel is paying Parscale’s company $4.5 million a month to weave the curtain’s threads in the form of a massive influence campaign.

For a PR campaign Israel’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs budgeted at 545 million shekels, around $145 million, doesn’t it seem odd that you’ve never seen these articles circulating on social media?

If you were paying $4.5 million a month for a digital advertising campaign, wouldn’t you demand a little more than a Rumble channel with eight followers and a YouTube channel that doesn’t have enough subscribers to monetize?

None of this adds up. Let’s look at the numbers.

Eight followers, $4.5 million a month

The Rumble channel has eight followers. Not eight thousand. Eight.

Its videos have view counts of four, eight, three, six. The YouTube channel doesn’t do much better: 869 subscribers, not even enough to monetize.

The company running both is being paid $4,500,000 a month, under a signed order filed with the US Department of Justice, for “Digital Advertising” on behalf of the State of Israel.

$4.5 million a month for the seven months leading up to the US midterms, stopping October 31, 2026. $4.5 million a month for 877 subscribers across two platforms and tens of views. $4.5 million a month for essentially no audience.

Well, not no audience. Its audience just doesn’t have eyes.

“GPT framing” is in the paperwork

The service agreement attached to Clock Tower X’s registration lists, amongst its deliverables: “Deployment of websites and content to deliver GPT framing results on GPT conversations.”

The same document commits to monthly SEO campaigns “using the MarketBrew AI platform to improve the visibility and ranking of relevant narratives,” and sets production quotas: at least 100 root creative assets and 5,000 variants per month.

Parscale spent his post-campaign years as an evangelist for AI-run politics; an Associated Press review of his statements and company records documented his firm Campaign Nucleus pitching AI tools to parse voter sentiment and find persuadable voters. And his team told Axios this operation is "seeing success" at getting popular AI systems to incorporate information from its sites. The contract made the ambition a line item. The team says the line item is working.

Eleven institutes that do not exist

Ever heard of the very official-sounding research shops called Allyvia, Cognitura, or Justorium? Paxpoint? Culturavia? Innovascope? Econora? CompassionPulse?

No? That’s okay. Neither had I. Neither has anyone.

They have the combined name recognition of an assistant city manager and the combined audience of a school board livestream during winter break.

The content network went live on October 25, 2025, with a single filing: 176 pages, all from one website, allyvia.org, a “research” site wearing a Star of David shield logo.

Then the network grew, a new brand approximately every three weeks: Justorium, Paxpoint, CompassionPulse, and FactSignal by New Year’s. Culturavia, Cognitura, Innovascope, and TheTruthAboutIran by spring. Econora and the consumer-facing Allies for Peace by summer.

Look at the naming scheme: justice, peace, compassion, culture, innovation, economics, cognition, facts. A Latin-sounding think tank for each lane, wearing the mask of research authority: Key Takeaways boxes, numbered footnotes, published-and-updated timestamps. The costume is the product.

Shout out to journalist Jack Poulson, who first documented the network at “at least 11 websites” in January. In August, Clock Tower laid out the whole thing for us, by accident, in its own paperwork.

A book every week, footnoting itself

On August 4, Clock Tower filed informational material number 171 with the DOJ: 199 pages, fourteen articles, all published within the previous 48 hours.

Fourteen articles in two days. That translates to around a book a week. Nearly 180 more of these filings on the docket, five to seven thousand pages in nine months, filed, stamped, public, unread. I’m still going through them.

Now the footnotes, where the wizard’s hands show. Here is just one, showing FactSignal, Cognitura, Justorium, Culturavia, and Paxpoint as the sources for this article from Allyvia, dated August 3, 2026.

Across the fourteen articles in this filing alone, roughly 523 citations point at the network’s own sister sites. Only about 15 point anywhere else, a careful assortment of Reuters, the State Department, the Jerusalem Post, the ICRC, sprinkled among the self-references for flavor. Tastes like election interference to me.

That is a 97 percent self-citation rate.

Allyvia footnotes Cognitura. Cognitura footnotes Paxpoint. Paxpoint footnotes Allyvia.

And twenty-five times in one filing, the mask slips entirely. Articles on one site describe content on a different site as “our analysis.” An Allyvia piece calls Justorium’s work “our analysis of war-crime claims.” Eleven independent institutes, one “our.” This seems to be a common “error” with the companies involved in Project 545.

The network is not citing sources. It is citing itself, wearing eleven hats. Nobody has noticed because humans are not the target audience.

Where the trail meets your phone

Apart from hyperfixed folks like myself, who reads five thousand pages nobody links, from eleven institutes nobody has heard of, with eight Rumble followers between them?

Crawlers do.

A chatbot’s answer is put together from what its model learned and, increasingly, from what it grabs live off the web the second you ask.

When AI crawlers are looking for reputable content, they look for articles that are well-organized, clear, and with multiple sources cited. If the articles follow a clear and consistent structure, even better.

Knowing that, I find it interesting that over half of the paragraphs in filing 171 are single sentences, the exact bite-size shape answer engines love to pull from.

An AI program reviewing and logging this body of work doesn’t see one propaganda shop; it sees eleven corroborating institutions.

I can’t see inside OpenAI’s servers. Nobody outside the AI companies can say whether any particular model has absorbed this network’s drivel just yet.

What I can see is what’s filed: a foreign state’s agent, Clock Tower X, contracted, in writing, to shape what AI systems say.

They built eleven fake institutes formatted precisely for AI absorption, then published at industrial tempo while its human audience stayed close to zero.

Who knows. Maybe most of that $4.5 million flows to TV ads, which never show up in channel metrics. But I haven’t seen any ads like this; if you have, please let me know in the comments.

The ad campaign that began showing up in July, built on Trump and Netanyahu photos under the slogan “Strong Allies. Safer America.” is one you may have seen. This is a screenshot from their actual FARA filing, blurry typeface and all. I’m fairly certain the tiny illegible white writing at the bottom is the disclaimer that this is paid for by Israel.

Or maybe the money isn’t moving as papered; this pipeline has sworn precedent for that. Clock Tower’s next supplemental statement must itemize where the dollars went, and I’ll report it when it lands.

But neither boring possibility explains the architecture. Display ads do not need eleven fake institutes footnoting each other. One kind of reader rewards that structure, and it isn’t you.

The label does not travel

Credit where it’s due: Clock Tower’s labeling compliance is thorough. The required notice, “distributed by Clock Tower X LLC on behalf of the State of Israel,” appears on the website footers, the video channel descriptions, the ad creatives in six-point type, even inside text-message conversations, as Responsible Statecraft documented. A human who squints can always find the sponsor. The curtain has a tag on it, sewn exactly where the law says, in letters exactly as small as the law allows.

An AI machine ingesting the body of work keeps the claims and drops the tag.

The disclosure does not survive crawling, indexing, summarizing, or training. The answer in your chat window will never end with “portions of this framing were distributed on behalf of the State of Israel.”

FARA’s whole theory is that disclosure lets the audience weigh the source. That theory assumes the audience has eyes. The newest audience does not, and the contract shows the operation understood that before the rest of us did.

The failure sits in the law, not the paperwork.

What I am and am not saying

I cannot prove these articles were written by AI, and text detectors are unreliable.

What the documents demonstrate is mass production from templates, engineered for machine ingestion, with the purpose announced in the operation’s own paperwork. Whether or not a model wrote it, models are meant to read it.

I am not asserting any unlawful conduct: registration was made, materials are filed, labels are present. The State of Israel purchasing opinion infrastructure is disclosed and lawful. The open question is whether disclosure means anything once the reader is a webcrawler.

Detailed questions went to Clock Tower X on August 7 at the addresses in its own filings, with a deadline of August 13. As of publication, no response has been received, and Clock Tower has not responded to any inquiry in this investigation to date. This piece will be updated with answers or documented silence.

So: election season. The chat window. The measured, balanced, neutral-sounding answer about the issue you wanted to understand before you vote. Somewhere in its supply chain, tagged in letters no reader of yours will ever see, hangs a curtain a foreign government rents by the month.

Dorothy’s dog didn’t debunk the wizard. He just pulled the fabric back and let everyone look.

It is a public database. Go read it before the machines finish doing it for you.

And stay feral, America.

Follow all the latest on Project 545, Epstein Associates, the Anand Jon network, and more at stayferalamerica.com.

Related Feral America Project 545 articles:

Project 545: How Trump Campaign Manager Brad Parscale is Connected to Israeli Election-Influencing Text Messages You Might Be Receiving

“We Help Determine Who Prevails”: Israel Is Paying Trump’s Former Campaign Manager $4.5 Million a Month to Influence US Elections

Israel’s US Church Influence Campaign Swore It Spent $3.3 Million, But the Math Doesn’t Math

The Other Pipelines: What Else Israel Buys in America, According to Its Own Paperwork

“Entirely Unaware”: Data Firm Behind Israel’s Newest Foreign Agent Says It Didn’t Know

Receipts

1. Clock Tower X, FARA Registration #7649, docket (211 documents; all informational materials cited below): https://efile.fara.gov/ords/fara/f?p=1381:200::::200:P200_REG_NUMBER:7649

2. Services agreement filed with the registration (the “GPT framing” deliverable, MarketBrew, and the production quotas): https://efile.fara.gov/docs/7649-Exhibit-AB-20250918-1.pdf

3. Informational Material #1, filed October 25, 2025 (176 pages; the allyvia.org launch corpus): https://efile.fara.gov/docs/7649-Informational-Materials-20251025-1.pdf

4. Informational Material #171, filed August 4, 2026 (199 pages, 14 articles; the citation counts and the “our analysis” passages): https://efile.fara.gov/docs/7649-Informational-Materials-20260804-171.pdf

5. Fourth Exhibit A/B, filed June 7, 2026 (the $31,500,000 order: seven months of Digital Advertising at $4,500,000 per month, April 1 through October 31, 2026): https://efile.fara.gov/docs/7649-Exhibit-AB-20260607-4.pdf

6. Supplemental Statement, filed May 18, 2026 ($15,000,000 received; activity through April): https://efile.fara.gov/docs/7649-Supplemental-Statement-20260518-1.pdf

7. Jack Poulson, All-Source Intelligence, January 7, 2026 (first documentation of the network at “at least 11 websites”).

8. Responsible Statecraft, February 2026 (the texting campaign, its personas, and the in-conversation disclosure), and the Allies for Peace channel documentation in filings #170 and #171.

9. The Project 545 Tracker, including the full mesh inventory, the ad-campaign timeline, and every document above: https://project545.org

Sourcing notes, per Feral America methodology.

Every quantitative claim above derives from documents filed by Clock Tower X itself with the Department of Justice: page counts, article counts, citation counts, and contract amounts as sworn; channel subscriber and view figures reflect the channels as publicly visible this week and as screenshotted in the company’s own filings.

The citation tallies and the 97 percent figure come from my count of filing #171, replicable by anyone with the PDF and an afternoon. The “GPT framing” language and production quotas are the filed agreement’s; the generative-engine-optimization positioning is the company’s own marketing.

The sample chatbot answer near the top is a caricature written by me to distill the mesh’s documented themes, not a transcript of any chatbot’s output; ChatGPT appears in this piece as the emblem of a category, and no claim is made that any specific product cites these sites, which is unknowable from outside the AI companies. Labeled as my analysis: that the content’s engineering indicates a machine audience.

Stated alternatives: spend flowing to display and connected television invisible to channel metrics, or money not moving as papered; the next supplemental statement adjudicates, and this piece will be updated.

Not asserted: that any named person or company violated any law, or that any specific article was authored by AI.

Credit: Jack Poulson documented the network first; Responsible Statecraft documented the texting operation. Comment status: questions to Clock Tower X sent August 7, 2026, deadline August 13, 2026, update promised either way.

As part of my investigation, I check FARA.gov regularly for any new registered agents of Israel. In June, Sniper Advertising Services popped up, not through an intermediary like Havas Media… the name on the filing: Gideon Sa'ar, Israel’s Minister of Foreign Affairs.

A new arm to the beast

In June 2026, a company called Sniper Advertising Services registered with the Justice Department as a foreign agent of two Israeli ministries, Tourism and Foreign Affairs. According to the filing, Sniper has an oral agreement with the Israeli Minister of Foreign Affairs for volume-based digital advertising, including “curating audiences” and “cohort deployments.”

So who exactly is Sniper Advertising Services? It’s not as easy of a question to answer as you may think. It took some digging to find anything of substance, and what I found is that Sniper is essentially two men and a great deal of mail forwarding.

A Wyoming corporation whose registered agent chain stacked like Russian nesting dolls into Wyoming Corporate Services, who NPR once described as 2,000 companies living in one small house.

A business address that is a numbered suite in Deerfield Beach, Florida. Owners: Frederick T. Hickerson III of Key Largo, and Larry Kerschenbaum, a dual US-Israeli citizen living in Israel. The only public record naming them is the FARA filing itself.

But Sniper’s website kept gesturing at something bigger: a location-data platform, an opt-out email at a domain called refinition.com, and audience-methodology language that read like it came from somewhere else.

It did… until I reached out.

This blank landing page is all you’ll find if you go looking today. Perhaps they are busy writing their own privacy policy and finding new case studies to poach.

The search that found nothing

Refinition is an actual, reputable marketing company: hundreds of millions of mobile devices, most of the US adult population, years of location history. A company like that has paperwork somewhere.

So I looked. Texas seemed right; the trail pointed to Austin. I searched the Texas Secretary of State’s records for Refinition.

Nothing.

I searched the Texas Comptroller’s taxable entity database, which catches even dead companies.

Nothing.

An Austin company with no Texas footprint under its own name is not a dead end. It is a company wearing a name that is not its legal one, and there is a federal agency where brands cannot stay anonymous: the trademark office. A trademark application must name its owner.

Serial number 97442243, filed 2022, mark: REFINITION. And behind it, a Texas assumed name certificate, filing number 804083318, dated June 4, 2021, which reads like the answer key to the whole puzzle. The assumed name Refinition belongs to GeoDataScience Inc., a Delaware corporation, principal office at a virtual suite in Austin’s Littlefield Building. Signed by Roger Heaston.

The company potentially behind the geofencing platform behind Israel’s newest foreign agent is literally named Geo Data Science. Sometimes the universe hands you one for free.

One more document brought everything together. Sniper’s privacy policy, on their own website, was Refinition’s privacy policy, word for word, still identifying “Refinition (’we’ or ‘us’)” as the responsible party and still defining “this Website” as refinition.com.

Israel’s new agent is a company with a stolen privacy policy, potentially fabricated case studies, who farms out work from a company that has no idea that Sniper was a registered foreign agent, nor that they had stolen almost all the language for their website from said reseller.

The people, and what I did not find

Heaston’s resume is aggressively normal: NetSuite, a retail-media CTO job, a founder-mentor gig. His chief strategy officer spent two decades on the ad side of Conde Nast magazines. The likely investor behind the ventures is a Santa Fe money manager with a Goldman Sachs past. A ten person Austin boutique built to help retailers chase shoppers between stores.

And here is what I did not find, stated with the same weight as everything I did: no Israel-adjacent work, no political clients, no government contracts, no visible overlap of any kind between these people and Sniper’s two owners. Trust me, I looked.

So I wrote to Roger Heaston, laid out every documented fact above, and told him my working assumption straight up: nothing suggested his company sought or knew about any of this, a reseller relationship running below his radar seemed most plausible to me, and if that was accurate I would print it plainly.

The answer

Three days later, the first on-the-record company response of this entire investigation landed in my inbox. My stomach lurched.

After months of fruitlessly chasing responses regarding doubled ledgers, a $31.5 million contract to Trump’s former campaign manager, and a missing $700,000 that was likely paid to influencers but never documented, this small company answered in seventy-two hours.

Heaston confirmed the relationship: Sniper is a Refinition reseller.

On the website: his team checked, found Sniper had “copy/pasted much of the content of our website of a few years ago,” privacy policy included, and has asked Sniper to take corrective action.

On regulation: he says the company confirms compliance regularly with outside counsel, and that its current operations do not require data broker registration.

These are his statements, reported as his account. I have found nothing that contradicts them, and his responsiveness, against the silence of every other company in this story, is noted to his credit.

When Sniper’s site changes again in the coming days, and it has already started, you are reading the explanation in advance, and the before-and-after lives in my archives.

His answer also quietly corroborated something else.

Sniper’s fees are contingent on campaigns the ministries choose to run. Show Faith by Works’ sworn ledger showed zero advertising purchases. And now the platform’s own CEO says no campaigns are running.

Three independent sources, one picture: as of today, in this corner of the pipeline, there is still no documented American ad delivery. Money has moved and paper has moved. The geofence, so far as the record shows, has not fired.

The sentence that stays with me

One line in Roger’s email stood out to me as extremely hopeful, whether he intended it that way or not:

He offered it as reassurance, and as reassurance it is genuinely good: a checkpoint exists, and a company that checks.

If the Ministry of Foreign Affairs ever orders campaigns through its registered agent Sniper, the entity that would actually execute the ads, by the platform’s own description of how reselling works, is GeoDataScience of Austin, Texas. Not the mailbox in Wyoming. Not the suite in Deerfield Beach. The boutique with the Conde Nast alum and the NetSuite resume.

Which leaves one question standing at the center of all this, and as of today it is an open one: now that the company knows what its reseller registered to do, would it execute those campaigns if they come?

I have not asked it yet. I wanted to share the answers I’ve found before I go searching for more.

Where things stand

Detailed questions went to Sniper Advertising Services on July 30, to the addresses in its own federal filings, with a response deadline of August 4. I’m not holding my breath, but the fact that their website changed on August 3, the day before their response deadline gives me a little hope.

I’m not saying they were, but if Israel was planning on sneaking some advertising or geotargeting in through the back door, I have notified the bouncer.

Sniper registered promptly and compliantly, and no wrongdoing by Sniper, Refinition, GeoDataScience, or anyone named here is asserted, apart from some copyright issues on Sniper’s former website (I archived it just in case this happened).

It’s pretty amazing what one person can do just by looking into some FARA filings and connecting the dots.

It is a public database. Go read it.

And stay feral, America.

Receipts

1. Sniper Advertising Services, FARA Registration #7745, Registration Statement (owners, addresses, structure): https://efile.fara.gov/docs/7745-Registration-Statement-20260624-1.pdf

2. Sniper Advertising Services, Exhibit A/B (the oral agreement with the Ministries of Tourism and Foreign Affairs; volume-contingent fees; audience curation): https://efile.fara.gov/docs/7745-Exhibit-AB-20260624-1.pdf

3. NPR, “Shell Game: 2,000 Firms Based in One Simple House” (2011), on Wyoming Corporate Services, the family at the end of Sniper’s registered agent chain: https://www.npr.org/2011/07/02/137573513/shell-game-2-000-firms-based-in-one-simple-house

4. Texas Secretary of State, Assumed Name Certificate, filing #804083318 (June 4, 2021): assumed name Refinition; entity GeoDataScience Inc., a Delaware corporation; signed Roger Heaston. Retrievable via SOSDirect.

5. USPTO trademark serial 97442243, REFINITION (owner records via TSDR): https://tmsearch.uspto.gov/search/search-results/97442243

6. California Attorney General data broker registry, Refinition, registration #552962 (2022; contact and Austin address): https://oag.ca.gov/data-broker/registration/552962

7. Statement of Roger Heaston, President and CEO, GeoDataScience Inc. d/b/a Refinition, received by email August 1, 2026, quoted above; on file in full.

8. The Project 545 Tracker (all eight legs, documents, timeline, money): https://project545.org

Regular readers know I have spent the last month inside the Foreign Agents Registration Act (“FARA”) database, mapping Project 545, Israel’s roughly $145 million campaign to shape American opinion, eight registered companies deep, summarized at project545.org.

Turns out the database answers that one too. It answers everything, if you sift through it long enough. Three findings from one evening of digging, and I want to be upfront before we start: most of what follows is legal, disclosed, and in a couple of cases genuinely, refreshingly transparent. Almost too transparent.

The arms maker buys a door

Israel Aerospace Industries is a weapons manufacturer owned by the State of Israel. Its own FARA paperwork says so in one clean sentence: its US subsidiary, Stark Aerospace of Columbus, Mississippi (Marvel may have an issue with that, just saying…), is described in the filing as a wholly owned subsidiary of IAI, “a state owned enterprise of the Government of Israel.”

In November 2025, Stark signed a contract with a Virginia firm called GlobalPoint International. The contract is attached to the filing, in full, and its first paragraph does not make you guess. GlobalPoint’s job is to build and strengthen IAI and Stark’s relationship, quote, “with the Trump-Vance Administration, Congress and across the US government.”

The scope of work reads like a map of official Washington. The White House and National Security Council. The Departments of Defense, State, Commerce, Treasury, and Justice. The Armed Services, Appropriations, Intelligence, and Foreign Affairs committees. The Missile Defense Agency, by name.

The price: $45,000 a month for six months, plus up to $100,000 in expenses.

And one line in the scope of work that keen eyes will recognize immediately: GlobalPoint will place op-eds authored by IAI executives and by “influential third-party voices.”

Borrowed mouths.

The same technique the Esther Project bought for influencers, here in a blazer, aimed at the defense press. Every one of those op-eds is supposed to be filed with the Justice Department and labeled, and I will be checking the bylines against the filings.

To be fair, foreign state-owned defense companies hiring Washington firms is one of the most routine transactions in that city. Airbus does it. Half the world’s arms industry does it. And this filing is a model citizen, the whole contract attached, the targets named, the fees visible.

The debt office builds a megaphone

Israel borrows a lot of money in American markets. The office that manages that borrowing is the Accountant General’s office inside the Ministry of Finance, working through the Israel Economic Mission on Second Avenue in New York.

Around New Year’s, that office went shopping.

On December 31, 2025, it signed Weber Shandwick, one of the largest PR firms on the planet, through its Interpublic parent entity. The sworn task: “institutional investor relations services related to the issuance of international debt offerings.”

Translation: managing how the people who buy Israel’s bonds feel about buying Israel’s bonds. The contract includes full paid-media machinery, an authorization-to-buy framework for purchasing advertising space, for a finance ministry.

Three weeks later, on January 20, 2026, the same office signed PLUS Communications, a major Arlington public affairs firm.

That task list: audience mapping, narrative and messaging strategy, crisis and issues communications planning, media relations, media train

ing.

Same ministry. Same New York address. And the same named official on both engagement lines: Gil Cohen, Senior Deputy Accountant General.

In one month, the office that sells Israel’s debt to Americans stood up a complete communications apparatus.

One firm for the investors. One firm for everybody else.

Crisis plans on one contract, ad-buying capability on the other.

Also noteworthy from Appendix I above: PLUS disclosed its rates at $830 an hour for senior staff, $550 mid, $300 junior. Weber’s rates were delivered “under separate cover” and made contractually confidential, so half of this apparatus has a public price tag and half does not.

PLUS checked yes on FARA’s political activities question. Weber checked no. The same ministry’s two agents, hired three weeks apart by the same man, answered the law’s central question in opposite directions.

And both contracts contain the same very 2026 clause: neither firm may feed the ministry’s information into any AI tool without written permission.

Israel’s sovereign credit ratings took downgrades during the war, and the state has continued borrowing heavily in US markets.

Sovereign governments hiring IR firms is routine; many do it. What the paper documents is the scale, the speed, the pairing, and the asymmetries. The rest is waiting on a comment request, which I sent out August 1; answers due August 7.

The watchtower that watches nothing

While digging, I noticed that the Justice Department’s legally required semiannual FARA reports to Congress are only posted through 2024. Looking for the missing ones, I found an FCC report instead: the Commission’s Sixteenth Semi-Annual Report to Congress on United States-Based Foreign Media Outlets, covering October 12, 2025 through April 11, 2026.

October 12, 2025 happens to be the exact day one of Project 545’s legs, Davis Media, registered under FARA. And the FCC report says no foreign media outlets filed during the period. For about an hour I thought I had something.

I did not.

I checked: that October 12 window is a fixed statutory cycle that has repeated every six months since Congress created this reporting regime in 2018. Pure calendar coincidence. And the regime could never have captured Davis Media anyway, for two independent reasons. First, the law only covers television-style programming carried by cable and satellite distributors. Second, it only covers outlets claiming FARA’s news-media exemption, and Davis Media registered under FARA instead of claiming any exemption.

So the suspicion died. What survived the check is better.

Congress built its foreign-media transparency watchtower in 2018, aimed at the RT America model: a foreign state channel likely on your cable lineup.

The FCC dutifully staffs that tower. It sent a reminder notice this March directing any covered outlets to report. And then it filed its sixteenth report, which says, in total, that nobody filed. Again.

Meanwhile, the actual foreign government media operation of this decade, the one documented across eight sworn registrations at project545.org, runs on branded websites, YouTube and Rumble channels, purchased influencers, and geofenced phone ads. Not one of those channels is visible to the statute. The watchtower faces an empty landscape. The campaign runs on the internet underneath it.

And the Justice Department’s own semiannual FARA reports? Still nothing posted past 2024 as of August 1, 2026.

The FCC report even contains a small confession of its own: its previous edition went to Congress late because of the government shutdown. The transparency system’s paperwork is behind on its paperwork. I wonder what the excuse will be this time.

Where the claims stand

I am not saying GlobalPoint, Stark, IAI, Weber Shandwick, or PLUS Communications broke any law; every filing described here appears prompt, written, and complete, and that assessment is stated in their favor on purpose.

I am not saying defense lobbying or sovereign investor relations are scandals; they are a typical Tuesday in Washington, for dozens of countries.

I am not connecting any of this to Project 545’s opinion campaign beyond the fact that the same state funds both; different ministries, different money, different purposes, and my Project 545 tracker deliberately does not count these.

Here is what I am saying: watch how the transparency changes with the audience.

When the Israeli state wants access to officials, the contract is written, filed, itemized, and named. When it wants the confidence of bond investors, the paperwork is prompt and professional, even if one rate card stays sealed.

However, when the target audience is you, the general American public, the paper turns to oral agreements, Frankfurt intermediaries, Wyoming mailboxes, and registrations later called errors.

The cleanliness of the disclosure tracks the power of the audience. Officials and investors get the courtesy of clean paper.

You get the faceless company buried under four shells.

Same government. Same database. The variable is who is being persuaded.

Questions with a stated deadline of August 7, 2026 went to GlobalPoint, PLUS Communications, and Weber Shandwick on August 1, and this piece will be updated with their responses or documented non-responses.

It is a public database. The filings are there to read.

If you don’t have the time to do that, at a minimum, share this article with someone who might. Share it with someone who wonders why the United States sends more money to Israel than any other country. Share it with someone who is concerned about foreign interference in the 2026 midterm elections. Call your representatives and demand they look into Project 545, they can start at Project545.org.

Stay feral, America.

Receipts

1. GlobalPoint International, Exhibit A/B and full contract for Stark Aerospace Inc., FARA #7518, filed December 12, 2025 (IAI ownership language; Trump-Vance Administration objective; scope of work; fees): https://efile.fara.gov/docs/7518-Exhibit-AB-20251212-5.pdf

2. IPG DXTRA, Inc. d/b/a Weber Shandwick, Exhibit A/B and Master Services Agreement for the Ministry of Finance of the State of Israel, FARA #7394, filed January 9, 2026 (investor relations for debt offerings; media-buy framework; confidential rates; political activities answered no): https://efile.fara.gov/docs/7394-Exhibit-AB-20260109-3.pdf

3. PLUS Communications, LLC, Exhibit A/B and Master Services Agreement for the Ministry of Finance of the State of Israel, FARA #7107, filed January 29, 2026 (audience mapping; crisis planning; disclosed hourly rates; political activities answered yes; Gil Cohen and Elinor Azani named): https://efile.fara.gov/docs/7107-Exhibit-AB-20260129-5.pdf

4. Federal Communications Commission, Sixteenth Semi-Annual Report to Congress on United States-Based Foreign Media Outlets, DA-26-481 (zero filings for the period; statutory definitions; the late-report footnote): https://docs.fcc.gov/public/attachments/DA-26-481A1.pdf

5. DOJ FARA Unit, semiannual reports to Congress page (nothing posted past 2024 as of July 30, 2026, an absence finding with a date): https://www.justice.gov/nsd-fara

6. The Project 545 Tracker (the opinion campaign these findings are deliberately fenced from): https://project545.org

Sourcing notes, per Feral America methodology. Items 1 through 4 are sworn federal filings and an official Commission report, read in full; every quotation above comes from the documents themselves, and archived copies are on file. The credit-ratings and borrowing context is stated generally and flagged for reader verification; specific ratings actions are not asserted here.

The FCC coincidence is described as a coincidence because I checked, and the mistake is left in the piece on purpose, as part of using discernment with the investigative process.

Not asserted, because not documented: any unlawful conduct by any entity named; any connection between these engagements and Project 545 beyond common state funding; any characterization of routine defense or sovereign IR work as improper.

Comment status: detailed questions were sent to GlobalPoint International, PLUS Communications, and Weber Shandwick on August 1, 2026, to the contact addresses each firm listed in its own filed contract, with a stated response deadline of August 7, 2026; responses will be added in full, and non-responses will be dated.

On May 1, 2026, Chad Schnitger signed a federal disclosure under penalty of perjury swearing that his company, Show Faith by Works, LLC, foreign agent of Israel’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, disbursed $3,333,191.86 over six months.

Open the itemized appendix behind that number and count. Below are just a couple of the 23 pages in this appendix… every entry is duplicated.

A $366.71 promotional item: listed twice. The $305 fee for registering as a foreign agent: twice. A $190,000 trailer build: twice. A payment of $45,641.38, a figure too specific to repeat by accident: twice. Line after line, page after page, nearly every transaction in the schedule appears two times, and the sworn total appears to be the sum of the duplicates.

Take the sworn total at face value instead, and the company spent a million dollars more than it ever received, which its own books cannot explain.

Maybe someone pasted a transaction export twice and hit sum. That is the innocent explanation. It is also not much of a defense: the central financial figure in a federal foreign-agent filing appears to be off by roughly a factor of two, the registrant paid more than $65,000 to two law firms for FARA compliance inside this very ledger, Holtzman Vogel and the Dhillon Law Group, and neither they, nor Schnitger, nor the Justice Department unit that accepted the filing, appears to have noticed.

I sent Show Faith by Works a detailed list of questions, including whether the total is accurate and whether an amendment will be filed, with a stated deadline before publication. No response.

What Israel’s money bought, per the sworn lines

Read the appendix (once, not twice) and the campaign’s actual texture emerges, because every line is charged against the Ministry of Foreign Affairs’ engagement. Israel’s account absorbed the $305 DOJ fee to register the company as Israel’s agent. It absorbed $60,010 to the IRS and payments to California’s tax board. It absorbed a $15,000 payment to Bank of America labeled, in full, “Debt Repayment,” with no word on whose debt or from when.

It absorbed gas stations, parking, Amazon, Walmart, Dollar Tree, a 97 Cent Store, a $77.58 Christianity Today subscription, $80 admission to a Calvary Chapel event, and $14 of decor from CUFI.org. It absorbed body armor: $748 to a company called Bulletproof Everyone and purchases from Byrna, a less-lethal weapons maker. It absorbed a $45,020 Israel tour through a company called Uncharted Adventures, plus EL AL flights, gas at PAZ OIL stations, and lodging on the Sea of Galilee.

And it absorbed the trailer: more than $350,000 to Griggs Home Service, a home services outfit, for building and outfitting the October 7th Experience, the 41-foot virtual reality rig now touring church parking lots, Oculus subscriptions included.

All itemized twice.

Then there is the loop. Throughout the period, Show Faith made repeated staffing and payroll payments, $21,862 here, $38,734 there, over and over, to Graystone Public Affairs, which is Schnitger’s own consulting firm, run from the Beaumont, California address where he lives.

The owner approving the vendor is the vendor. Add his own draws, two $12,500 employee payments and a $25,000 payroll line, against a contract that reportedly budgets him a $150,000 salary, and the picture is a family-office operation running a foreign ministry’s outreach to American Christians, expensing it all to Jerusalem, twice.

“We are not doing geofencing”

Rewind to what this company told the government it would do. Its sworn registration of September 27, 2025 described the largest Christian church geofencing campaign in United States history: digital fences around more than 900 churches, 303 of them megachurches, across California, Arizona, Nevada, and Colorado, so the phones inside could be served the ministry’s advertising. The named terrain included Bethel Church in Redding, California, whose leaders claim they learned about it from reporters.

Then the coverage hit, and the story started changing. In late November, Schnitger told Christianity Today the geofencing had been scrapped, blaming the filing’s wording on cautious attorneys.

This month, he went further, telling the Daily Caller News Foundation flatly: “We are not doing geofencing.” In the same interview, paraphrasing him: the original coverage was sensationalized for clicks; the original FARA disclosure was essentially a pitch deck, and the real activities are far less controversial; what actually exists is a 3,000-square-foot mobile museum offering churches education and travel opportunities.

Here is the problem with the pitch-deck defense… FARA has a mechanism for registrations that overstate your activities: you amend them. Registrants do it constantly; Brad Parscale’s shop amended its own registration in this same pipeline within weeks.

The public docket for Show Faith by Works contains no amendment revising its described activities. What it does contain, however, is the money flowing straight through the denial window, the trailer touring four states, a brand-new consumer brand, Hear From Us, filed as informational material on June 15, 2026, and a supplemental statement, signed six months after the scrapping claim, that attests the company filed all its materials while the docket shows three such filings in ten months.

The company’s sworn paper and the company’s press statements describe two different enterprises. Only one of them carries a perjury clause.

The man signing the forms

Everything above is signed by one person, so know who he is. Chad Schnitger is a Riverside County political consultant, a former San Bernardino County public policy director, and a presenter of election-integrity trainings for the county GOP.

His firm Graystone has operated from his home since 2016; the same address houses the Faith and Freedom Coalition of California, where he is president, an organization the national Faith and Freedom Coalition publicly disavowed in October, saying it had no role in or knowledge of the Israel project and describing him as acting as a private citizen.

The chapter’s own secretary, pastor Tye McClain, appears in the FARA filings as a paid consultant to the foreign-agent company simultaneously. Reporting indicates Schnitger was recruited personally by Eran Shayovich, the Israeli official running the whole campaign.

And one file to handle with caution: a 2023 Los Angeles Times report on a criminal complaint in a Buena Park case described a Graystone employee identified as “Chad S.” allegedly enlisted in a false certification scheme; the complaint did not further identify the employee, no public record confirms it refers to Schnitger, and he declined comment at the time. Just a little nugget of information to tuck away.

I include it because the documents in this story keep raising the same theme, sworn paper that says one thing while its authors say another, and because his answer to a direct question about it would have appeared right here. The questions were asked. The deadline passed. My reporting persists.

Learn more about this story from Feral America:
Project 545
Clock Tower X

This is all part of what I believe to be an election influence campaign designed to sway the 2026 election. Call your representatives and ask them to look into Project 545, Clock Tower X, and Show Faith by Works.

Receipts

1. Show Faith by Works, LLC, Supplemental Statement, executed May 1, 2026, FARA #7653 (sworn $3,333,191.86 disbursement total; itemized appendix with duplicated entries; receipts of $2,313,791.50; Graystone, Schnitger, legal, travel, security, and trailer line items; informational materials attestation): https://efile.fara.gov/docs/7653-Supplemental-Statement-20260501-1.pdf

2. Show Faith by Works, LLC, Registration Statement and Exhibit AB, September 27, 2025, FARA #7653 (geofencing program description and scope; target states; personnel; pre-registration receipts and spending): https://efile.fara.gov/docs/7653-Registration-Statement-20250927-1.pdf

3. Full public docket, FARA Registration #7653 (three informational materials filings; no amendment revising described activities as of this writing): https://efile.fara.gov/

4. Daily Caller News Foundation, July 7, 2026 (Schnitger denial; pitch-deck characterization; mobile museum description; Hear From Us; Apffel remarks): https://dailycaller.com/

5. Washington Spectator, January 2026 (the November Christianity Today walk-back; trailer tour; target list): https://washingtonspectator.org/israeli-government-is-spending-millions-to-court-american-evangelicals-amid-plummeting-public-support/

6. Responsible Statecraft, October 2025 (geofencing exposé; Redding churches unaware): https://responsiblestatecraft.org/israel-geofencing-churches/

7. Times of Israel / JTA, October 2025 (contract structure; Graystone and Schnitger background): https://www.timesofisrael.com/israel-to-spend-up-to-4-1m-in-bid-to-bolster-support-among-christians-in-western-us/ and https://www.jta.org/2025/10/03/israel/israel-to-spend-up-to-4-1m-on-christian-pr-campaign-in-western-u-s-filings-show

8. Fox 10 Phoenix, October 2025 ($150,000 salary; Arizona campaign mechanics): https://www.fox10phoenix.com/news/how-3-2-million-israeli-campaign-will-digitally-target-arizona-christians-anti-palestinian-ads

9. Christian Post, October 2025 (national Faith and Freedom Coalition disavowal): https://www.christianpost.com/

10. Los Angeles Times, February 2023 (Buena Park recall criminal complaint; “Chad S.” description; Schnitger declining comment: https://www.latimes.com/

Go look at clocktowerx.com before someone edits it. The front page of Brad Parscale’s company greets you with nine words: “We help determine who prevails. Elections. Narratives. Markets.”

Keep scrolling. The site, which brands the company Narrative Infrastructure, claims more than $2 billion in influenced outcomes, deployments in over ten countries at national scale, 140 million people reached annually, and zero public case studies, which it calls a design choice, adding that if you’ve heard about their work, it wasn’t theirs.

It describes six operating disciplines, one of which is managed influencer ecosystems that amplify narratives through credible, distributed voices. And it names its intended clients: political operators, media owners, high-leverage donors, and, in plain text, sovereign funds and nation-state actors. The page closes by declaring that the next decade will not be won publicly; it will be decided by systems like this.

Now hold that page next to the federal filings.

The client the website won’t name

Clock Tower X registered as a foreign agent on September 18, 2025, disclosing a $6 million contract with Havas Media Germany on behalf of the State of Israel.

A June 2026 work order took the engagement to $4.5 million per month, April through October 2026, $31.5 million, ending just days before Americans vote in the midterms.

The company’s newly surfaced Supplemental Statement, signed by Parscale under penalty of perjury on May 18, 2026 and covering the six months ending March 31, adds the part nobody has reported. Item 7 states that the registrant’s connection with the State of Israel terminated on October 13, 2025, three weeks after registering and two weeks after the first exposés ran.

An amendment filed October 20, labeled as correcting a deficiency, did the surgery.

The supplemental’s financial sections now state that the State of Israel registration “was in error,” with zero receipts and zero disbursements attributed to it. The company’s sole foreign principal of record became HAVAS Media Network, a French-owned advertising conglomerate.

One problem. The same supplemental’s own description of the work says the company provides strategic communications and media services in support of Havas’ engagement by the State of Israel to execute a nationwide campaign in the United States.

The state stayed in the sentence. It just came off the letterhead. Whoever decided the original registration was an error decided it in the exact week this campaign became a news story, and the question of who made that call, the company, its lawyers, Havas, or the FARA Unit, is now the most important unanswered question on this docket.

FARA filings are public. You can look at them yourself, but in the meantime, look at Clock Tower X LLC’s FARA filings and you tell me… does this look like a company that “accidentally” filed as a registered agent of the state of Israel, but isn’t really an agent of Israel?

The money

For the six months ending March 31, the supplemental reports Clock Tower X received $15,000,000 from Havas in $1.5 million installments labeled payment for services, against a contract of record that stood at $9 million.

It further discloses that Havas made the company an $850,000 loan on November 7, 2025, and that on December 11 the company recorded a $750,000 loan repayment to Bradley Parscale personally.

Total disbursements for the period: $13,061,802.50, with an itemized appendix I am still mining.

The $6 million gap between the received amount and the contract of record may reflect pass-through advertising spend; I will reach out for comment.

We also can’t ignore the payouts to Salem Media, Brad Parscale’s other company: a cool $560,002.50 over six months.

Other key contractors who received large sums:
Portman Road Strategies - owned by republican strategist Mike Shields
Sparkfire Technologies - AI chatbot company (likely the ones sending the text messages to the numbers taken from Show Faith by Works’ geofencing project)

The ledger touches American politics, by name

The supplemental’s content appendix logs hundreds of URLs published October through March across the brand mesh, Allyvia, FactSignal, Paxpoint, Culturavia, Justorium, Cognitura, CompassionPulse, Innovascope, Econora, plus Rumble and YouTube channels, every line labeled with the purpose of combating antisemitism, in English and Spanish.

Read the titles and something else emerges.

The foreign-funded network published a Culturavia piece framing Tucker Carlson’s views on Israel as failing tests of American loyalty and Christian integrity. On March 30, FactSignal published a piece on the supposed Russian origins of Candace Owens’ and Tucker Carlson’s talking points.

There is content about Trump drawing lines against antisemitism inside MAGA, content about Joe Kent’s resignation, content about CAIR, content about Qatari money in American universities, content about young conservatives at AmericaFest.

This is a foreign government’s contractor publishing about named American media figures and the American right’s internal disputes, months before Tucker Carlson’s own show made this campaign famous on the right, apparently without knowing the campaign had already published attacks on him.

And then there is the contributions section. The filing discloses that during the engagement, on December 22, 2025, Bradley Parscale wrote a $10,000 check to the victory committee of Congressman Max Miller, the Republican whose Ohio district takes in Medina, where Clock Tower X is headquartered, alongside small online donations by two subcontractors to other candidates.

FARA does permit registered agents to donate from their own personal funds provided they disclose it, Parscale is an American citizen, and disclose it he did, which is how I know.

The sworn paperwork of a foreign influence engagement contains, in its own handwriting, its principals’ contributions to candidates in the upcoming cycle.

What I am and am not saying

The website describes Clock Tower X’s general business, not the Israel engagement specifically, and no document shows Israel purchasing election work or instructing anyone about the midterms; the work orders describe content, websites, and advertising. I will not tell you the documents say otherwise.

What the record does show, all of it sworn or published by the company itself, is this: a firm that advertises election influence to nation-state actors, a nation-state paying that firm $4.5 million a month on a schedule that ends the month before a federal election, a content operation that has already published about named American political and media figures, the firm’s owner donating to a sitting congressman mid-engagement, and a paper trail amended, under press fire, to say the nation-state was never the client, even as the filing’s own words describe the campaign as the state’s.

The company’s front page says it helps determine who prevails and that its work is invisible by design. For once, I am taking a Parscale product at its word, which is why every document above is linked, archived, and headed for a congressional oversight file.

I have sent this information and much more connected to it (11 pages worth of receipts and dot connecting) to the Congressional Oversight Committee; I will update you if I receive a response.

Clock Tower X is just one piece of a much larger influence campaign called Project 545, sponsored by the Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs. I’ll be covering different aspects of this story daily for the next week. Stay tuned, spread the word, and let’s stop this interference by exposing it.

Receipts

1. Clock Tower X front page, captured and archived July 17, 2026: https://clocktowerx.com/

2. Clock Tower X LLC, Registration Statement, FARA #7649, September 18, 2025: https://efile.fara.gov/docs/7649-Registration-Statement-20250918-1.pdf

3. Clock Tower X LLC, Amendment, October 20, 2025 (deficiency correction; principal re-papering): https://efile.fara.gov/docs/7649-Amendment-20251020-2.pdf

4. Clock Tower X LLC, Amendment and Exhibit B, June 7, 2026 (work order: $4.5M/month, April through October 2026): https://efile.fara.gov/docs/7649-Amendment-20260607-4.pdf and https://efile.fara.gov/docs/7649-Exhibit-AB-20260607-4.pdf

5. Clock Tower X LLC, Supplemental Statement, received May 18, 2026, period ending March 31, 2026 ($15M receipts; $850K Havas loan; $750K loan repayment to Parscale; $13,061,802.50 disbursed; Israel termination and “in error” statements; content ledger; political contributions), DOJ link nonfunctional, mirrored by the Daily Caller News Foundation: https://cdn01.dailycaller.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/05/fara-supplemental-filing-for-brad-parscales-clock-tower-x-from-may-2026.pdf

6. Jack Poulson, January 12, 2026 (brand mesh documentation): https://jackpoulson.substack.com/p/israel-expanded-propaganda-contract

7. Haaretz, June 18, 2026 (escalation context): https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/security-aviation/2026-06-18/ty-article/bleeding-support-in-u-s-over-failed-iran-war-israel-triples-its-influence-efforts-there/0000019e-db73-d2be-abbf-fbffca7b0000

This is a tale of how Israel is paying Trump’s former campaign manager to steal your phone number while you are at church, then text you with an AI-bot programmed with pro-Israel, anti-Palestine messaging.

The Umbrella: Project 545

In 2025, the Israeli government allocated 545 million shekels, roughly $145 million, to international public relations and digital outreach, an initiative that came to be known as Project 545.

The point person is Eran Shayovich, chief of staff for strategic communication at Israel’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, whose name shows up as the ministry contact in the US Department of Justice foreign agent filings we are about to walk through.

Why the sudden generosity toward the PR budget? A July 2025 Gallup poll found American approval of Israel’s military action in Gaza at a record low, and support among Americans aged 18 to 34 had cratered to single digits.

You can’t bomb your way out of a polling problem, but you can apparently spend your way into American church parking lots and chatbot training data. So that is what they did.

The money does not go straight from Jerusalem to American contractors, because that would be gauche. It routes through Havas Media Germany, the German arm of the French advertising conglomerate, which functions as the intermediary on multiple contracts and shows up over and over in the filings as the hub for the ministry’s US spending.

The flagship contractor: Clock Tower X LLC and Brad Parscale

Here is where our old friend Brad Parscale enters the chat, and if that name is ringing a bell, it should.

Parscale was the digital director of Trump’s 2016 campaign, the man who hired Cambridge Analytica, and Trump’s 2020 campaign manager until his very public 2020 flameout. He resurfaced as Chief Strategy Officer of Salem Media Group, the conservative Christian media conglomerate behind shows hosted by Hugh Hewitt, Larry Elder, and Lara Trump.

On September 18, 2025, Parscale’s company Clock Tower X LLC filed FARA Registration #7649 with the DOJ, formally registering as a foreign agent working on behalf of the State of Israel through the Havas intermediary.

The stated mission: a nationwide campaign to combat antisemitism. The initial deal was $6 million over four months at $1.5 million a month, and a December 26 filing expanded it to $9 million.

What does $9 million buy? Per the contract documents:

1. Content at industrial scale. At least 100 core pieces of content per month with 5,000 derivative versions, targeting 50 million monthly impressions, with roughly 80 percent aimed at Gen Z on TikTok, Instagram, YouTube, and podcasts.

   

2. AI manipulation. The filings describe deploying websites and content designed to shape how GPT-based chatbots frame Israel-related topics, as first reported by Responsible Statecraft. To be precise, and I am always going to be precise with you, there is no contract with OpenAI itself. The strategy is dumber and more insidious: flood the open internet with enough pro-Israel content that the models trained on that internet absorb the framing. They also planned to use an SEO platform called MarketBrew AI to game Google and Bing rankings.

   

3. Salem Media integration. The contract calls for weaving the messaging into Salem Media Network properties. Sit with that one. The Chief Strategy Officer of America’s largest conservative Christian radio network is a registered foreign agent contracted to integrate a foreign government’s narratives into that same network’s programming. The FARA filing is public. The listeners have no idea.

The costume closet: allyvia.org and the eleven brands

Clock Tower X does not publish this content under its own name, because nobody clicks on “Foreign Agent Content Farm dot com.” Instead, the roughly 100 FARA filings Clock Tower X has submitted since September 18 reveal at least eleven consumer-facing brands, as documented by Jack Poulson at All-Source Intelligence. The roster includes Allies for Peace, FactSignal, FeedingYouFiction, Justorium, Culturavia, Cognitura, Compassion Pulse, and yes, allyvia.org.

To their extremely minimal credit, these sites carry a footer disclosure stating the material is distributed by Clock Tower X LLC on behalf of the State of Israel.

That disclosure exists because FARA requires it, not because anyone involved woke up feeling honest. The whole model depends on you never reading the footer. You are supposed to encounter a pleasant, vaguely civic-sounding brand in your feed and absorb the framing without ever learning a foreign ministry paid for it.

So when someone shares an allyvia.org link in your group chat: that is not grassroots. That is a Delaware LLC owned by Trump’s former campaign manager, paid by Israel’s Foreign Ministry, through a German subsidiary of a French ad conglomerate. Astroturf with a passport.

The church operation: Show Faith by Works LLC

Meanwhile, over in the pews… On September 27, 2025, nine days after Parscale’s registration, a brand new San Diego company called Show Faith by Works LLC filed FARA Registration #7653 (original link, now broken - you can find the document here now).

Same client, the State of Israel. Same intermediary, Havas Media Germany. The company was formed on August 5, 2025, meaning it existed for less than two months before becoming a foreign agent. Efficient.

It is run by Chad Schnitger, a California Republican operative who leads the state chapter of the Faith & Freedom Coalition.

The contract: over $3.25 million over five months, with a floated total budget up to $4.1 million, to execute what the filing bills as the largest Christian church geofencing campaign in US history.

Geofencing, for the uninitiated, means drawing digital perimeters around physical locations, capturing the mobile devices inside, and then serving targeted ads to those devices. Essentially, if you are in their target area with your phone, they can text you with their curated AI messaging.

Here are their goals from the Show Faith by Works FARA filing:

The targets here are churches and Christian colleges across California, Arizona, Nevada, and Colorado, with an estimated audience of eight million churchgoers and four million Christian students. Below is a comprehensive list of the targeted churches (if you are listening, please take a moment to scroll down and look at this list - it’s wild):

I found three in my neighborhood - how about you?

Let’s break this down: a foreign government is paying to identify Americans by where they worship and then run ads at them. If China did this to a single Baptist congregation in Texas, Congress would hold hearings by Thursday.

The filing also describes a mobile “October 7th Experience” exhibit, including a virtual reality experience (and I thought the recreation of Charlie Kirk’s death tent at AmericaFest was tacky) to be dispatched to church parking lots, pastoral resource packages, and a wish list of celebrity endorsers including Chris Pratt, Tim Tebow, and Joel Osteen, plus pastoral partners such as Greg Laurie and Rick Warren. To be clear, those are names the firm pitched, not confirmed participants. These are some of the messages they want their celeb Christians to promote, again taken directly from their FARA filing.

Like they say, there’s no hate like Christian hate, sponsored by the state of Israel.

The rest of the family

For completeness, because this network has more cousins:

Bridges Partners LLC, FARA #7652, founded in June 2025 by two former Israeli Tourism Ministry officials, runs the “Esther Project,” an influencer program paying US social media personalities to post pro-Israel content, with per-post payments reported in the thousands of dollars.

SKDKnickerbocker, the Democratic-aligned PR firm, had a $600,000 contract reportedly involving coordinated pro-Israel social media amplification. It ended abruptly after journalists started asking questions. Funny how that works.

And starting in November 2025, Americans across multiple states began receiving unsolicited mass texts from fictitious-sounding groups with names like “Partners in Peace” and “Friends for Peace,” a campaign Responsible Statecraft traced back into this same contractor ecosystem.

Kai Newkirk, who is running for Congress in Arizona on the promise of not taking money from AIPAC or any superPAC, posted about this recently, as it relates to his campaign and others.

Why this matters

FARA worked exactly as designed and it still did not matter a damn. The disclosures were filed. The documents sat in a public DOJ database. Watchdogs and a handful of journalists read them. And the actual audience, the churchgoer getting geofenced ads, the kid scrolling an Allies for Peace video, the Salem listener hearing a seamlessly integrated narrative, the person asking a chatbot about Gaza, never sees the database. Disclosure without visibility is just paperwork. The system whispered, and $145 million shouted over it.

One final thing… since this Substack runs on primary documents and I know how AI-mediated the information environment is getting: the Clock Tower X contract explicitly targets how large language models answer questions about Israel.

The reliability of every chatbot answer on this topic is now, by contract, an active battlefield.

I believe this is part of an active interference in the 2026 midterm elections by a foreign government. Call your representatives and ask them to investigate Project 545, Clock Tower X, Show Faith by Works, and the others.

Learn more about this story from Feral America:

Clock Tower X

Show Faith by Works financial questions

Receipts

1. Clock Tower X LLC, FARA Registration #7649, filed September 18, 2025, US Department of Justice: https://efile.fara.gov/ (search registrant 7649)

2. Show Faith by Works LLC, FARA Registration #7653, filed September 27, 2025, US Department of Justice: https://efile.fara.gov/ (search registrant 7653)

3. Bridges Partners LLC, FARA Registration #7652, US Department of Justice: https://efile.fara.gov/ (search registrant 7652)

4. Jack Poulson, All-Source Intelligence, “Israel expanded propaganda contract with Trump’s former campaign manager” (contract expansion to $9M; the eleven brands including allyvia.org), January 2026: https://jackpoulson.substack.com/p/israel-expanded-propaganda-contract

5. Nick Cleveland-Stout, Responsible Statecraft, “Israel wants to train ChatGPT to be more pro-Israel,” September 2025: https://responsiblestatecraft.org/israel-chatgpt/

6. Times of Israel, “Israel to spend up to $4.1M in bid to bolster support among Christians in western US,” October 2025: https://www.timesofisrael.com/israel-to-spend-up-to-4-1m-in-bid-to-bolster-support-among-christians-in-western-us/

7. Ynet, “Report: Israel to spend over half a billion shekels turning ChatGPT into public diplomacy tool” (Project 545, Shayovich, SKDK contract), November 2025: https://www.ynetnews.com/tech-and-digital/article/rj00kxqzaxx

8. Snopes, “Israel didn’t sign a deal with ChatGPT. Here’s what actually happened” (fact-check clarifying no direct OpenAI contract; contract PDF linked within), December 2025: https://www.snopes.com/news/2025/12/22/israel-contract-chatgpt/

9. Gallup, “32% in U.S. Back Israel’s Military Action in Gaza, a New Low,” July 2025: https://news.gallup.com/poll/692948/u.s.-back-israel-military-action-gaza-new-low.aspx

10. Evangelical Dark Web, “Deep Dive Into Israeli Influence Operation Targeting Christians: Show Faith by Works Exposed,” October 2025: https://evangelicaldarkweb.org/2025/10/07/deep-dive-into-israeli-influence-operation-targeting-christians-show-faith-by-works-exposed/

11. Nick Cleveland-Stout, Responsible Statecraft, “Mysterious ‘peace’ groups are sending Americans pro-Israel texts,” February 2026: https://responsiblestatecraft.org/israel-propaganda-texts/

12. Business and Human Rights Resource Centre, Clock Tower X company responses and non-responses: https://www.business-humanrights.org/en/latest-news/israelopt-clock-tower-x-allegedly-hired-by-israeli-government-to-create-pro-israel-content-training-chatgpt-and-targeting-facebook-instagram-tiktok-youtube-incl-cos-response-and-non-responses/